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Gay resignation must prompt reform of US university codes of conduct

Codes’ vague, narrow and toothless provisions are failing to promote the safety and well-being of all university community members, says Richard Joseph

January 5, 2024
Claudine Gay
Source: Reuters (edited)

The resignation of Claudine Gay as president of Harvard University is?another milestone in?Congressional conservatives’ campaign against elite universities that they claim have?not done enough to?combat rising antisemitism on?campus.

The institutions are threatened with punitive measures unless they and their constituencies change their tone and posture. are , income, ending federal financial aid for students and terminating universities’ tax-exempt status.

Both heavy-handed and ill-conceived, these forays into 中国A片 will only make matters worse. However well-intentioned some lawmakers may?be, such moves will give rise to?perceptions of partiality to some victims of offensive behaviour, double standards relative to others, and political meddling in university affairs, thereby hardening the attitude of campus activists.

A better approach is to work with university leaders, within their system of governance, to foster a climate of greater civility, respect and tolerance on campus. University leaders can achieve this by collaborating with trustees, faculty and students to reform their codes of conduct.

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For the most part, these codes are vague, narrow in?scope and ineffectual. They fail to discourage certain types of offensive behaviour and to set reasonable limits on free speech. In?addition, they lack teeth. They articulate rules of conduct without providing an effective mechanism for enforcing them. As a result, they have not succeeded in promoting the safety and well-being of all members of the university community, especially in politically turbulent times.

For example, while decrying discrimination, harassment and sexual misconduct, fails to condemn “hate speech”, such as callous calls for genocide or ethnic cleansing. “[S]peech not directed at individuals in a harassing way”, it?cautions, “may be protected by traditional safeguards of free speech, even though the comments may cause considerable discomfort or concern to others in the community.”

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This explains Gay’s notorious statement at a December congressional hearing on universities’ responses to pro-Palestinian demonstrations that calling for the genocide of Jews would violate Harvard’s code of conduct only in contexts where the speech “crosses into conduct that amounts to bullying, harassment, intimidation”: speech directed against groups, rather than individuals, does?not qualify.

Similar statements were made by the other two university presidents in the hearing, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Sally Kornbluth and the University of Pennsylvania’s Elizabeth Magill, the latter of whom also later resigned.

The rightfully upholds “freedom from unreasonable and disruptive offense”, but fails to explain what constitutes an “offense”. Moreover, it offers a lame remedy to potential victims: they should “consider speaking up promptly and in a civil fashion, and should be able to ask others to help them in a professional fashion to express concern”.

Although explicitly condemns “hate speech, epithets and racial, ethnic, sexual and religious slurs”, it?gives potential victims no?remedy or recourse: “The content of student speech or expression is?not by itself a basis for disciplinary action.”

These shortcomings fly in the face of the argument that a college or university?is, or should?be, an?ethical authority, not just a source of knowledge. As such, it should hold its constituencies accountable for behaviour that falls short of high ethical standards.

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Explicit prohibitions should be articulated of “hate speech”, such as antisemitic, Islamophobic, sexist, racist or homophobic recriminations that threaten the safety and well-being of members of the university community. Wanton calls for crimes against humanity, such as genocide or ethnic cleansing, should also be?disallowed.

Second, we need specific guidelines for civil discourse, debate and dissent, including a requirement that public events be allowed to proceed without disruption and that members of the university community be given an opportunity to air dissenting views, either before or after events.

Such provisions would partly address the concerns of lawmakers who believe that publicly funded universities allow for the airing of some views but not others and turn a blind eye to “hate speech”. Applicable without distinction to all members of the university community, the rules would not come across as being partial to some victims of offensive behaviour. Equally important, they would help to foster a climate of greater civility, respect and tolerance.

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Furthermore, American universities should carefully weigh what consequences should ensue from code violations. Depending on the seriousness of the offence, the penalties could range from barring the offender from participating in extracurricular activities to outright expulsion. In this regard, university leaders should distinguish between a “teachable moment” and a criminal offence. They should take into account that, ideally, an educational institution should be a place where students can safely fall, pick themselves up and learn from their mistakes.

Institutional autonomy is what distinguishes Western universities from their counterparts in authoritarian countries. Political meddling risks eliminating this distinction and aggravating an already bad situation.

Admittedly, Congress has a legitimate interest in ensuring that all members of the university community are treated fairly, can air their views freely and are not subject to physical harm or verbal abuse. By the same token, it also has a compelling interest in seeing that 中国A片 remains at the forefront of intellectual progress, which is predicated on institutional autonomy and academic freedom.

University leaders should recognise these interests and work with both lawmakers and their internal constituencies towards achieving the underlying aims.

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Richard J. Joseph is a senior consultant for the Association of Governing Boards of Universities and Colleges (AGB) and is a past president of Babson Global, a?wholly owned education subsidiary of Babson College.

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Reader's comments (13)

“The content of student speech or expression is not by itself a basis for disciplinary action.” That's not a shortcoming. It's a statement of a key academic value. No university that says anything to the contrary can be an academic university. Richard J. Joseph is welcome to his punitive institution of oversight and control. But let there be at least a few universities that pursue the academic mission by creating an academic ethos.
Name one? Let say would your institution allow a talk on how slavery was good for Africans, or why gender is only biological and started at birth. How about how white people are oppressed in today's UK. How about why Nazi Germany was the best state ever! Maybe request a course on that.
Thanks, Mark, for your thoughtful remarks. But excuse me, what is so "academic" about calls for genocide, ethnic-cleansing, and other crimes against humanity? I am not advocating converting the university into a "punitive institution" subject to oversight and control. (Incidentally, under the current system of shared governance, it is already subject to oversight and control by trustees and faculty.) Rather, I am trying to defend institutional autonomy, which is on the verge of being torn down by irate politicians and donors who threaten to intervene in university affairs unless academic administrators, faculty, students, and other stakeholders create an environment conducive to greater civility, respect, and tolerance. The remedy proposed by some legislators is not just to suppress, but also to criminalize certain types of campus behavior, as well as "unconventional" political views relating to the Israel-Hamas conflict, gender identity, and race theory. "Let's kick the unruly students out of the university!" they are demanding. In the face of this threat to academic freedom, university presidents, faculty, and students need to act now. Regards, Richard
Richard, I am in full agreement with your advice and counsel. We need change quickly and taking your path is reasonable and can be quickly implemented. Harvard and others need to provide a statement suggesting the same and the formation of a group with appropriate diversity to pursue the effort. Keith Schapperty “73 Harvard College
[S]peech not directed at individuals in a harassing way, so calling for my genocide is ok?
Svalacco, that's the point of my argument. It is NOT ok.
Svalacco: Yes, if a student or professor organizes a session on how slavery was good for Africans, that session should go ahead without official comment and with official protection. At an academic university, people would criticize claims and arguments, but not object to the holding of the session. Richard: Calls for genocide are not academic; neither are calls for peace. Addressing calls for genocide (or calls for peace) through critical discussion *is* academic; banning them is not. To create an ethos of civility, respect (respect for intellectual and moral autonomy, that is, not respect for identities and feelings) and tolerance, we need to invigorate commitment to the academic mission: which is to think hard about difficult matters. Speech and behaviour codes apply pressures other than those of evidence and argument and, for that reason, tend to corrupt the academic mission. Now, I'm terrified, as you are, by the threats to universities from politicians, donors and ideologues of the right. But your advocacy of intrusive speech and behaviour codes counsels that we save the hamlet by burning it down.
Thanks, Mark, for your thoughtful remarks. When I was a student at Harvard (centuries ago), a book that argued that slavery in the American South was "benign" was hotly debated by my professors. However controversial, unconventional, and "disturbing" the argument may be, I agree with you that such debate should go ahead without official comment and with official protection. Those who disagree with the argument are at liberty to refute it with logic and empirical evidence. That is consistent with free inquiry and the pursuit of the truth. As for codes of conduct, they are intended to foster a climate conducive to free inquiry and the pursuit of the truth. In a sense, they define the "rules of the game." While I believe that, in general, the content of free inquiry should not be "outlawed" by irate legislators and donors, I also believe that gratuitous calls for genocide, ethnic-cleansing, and other crimes against humanity do not constitute "free inquiry" in a scholarly sense. What is their academic value? In my view, such advocacy goes against the liberal values that are supposed to inspire an institution of higher learning. Now, what constitutes "genocide," "ethnic-cleansing," and "crimes against humanity" is fair game for discussion in academia. These topics can, and should be debated in an environment characterized by civil discourse, respect, and tolerance. Regards, Richard
Richard: Since codes of conduct are rules of the game, they are external constraints rather than organic parts of the whole. We should want that professors and students appear to be civil because they are engaged in free and open inquiry and that's what such engagement looks like from the outside. But their motivation isn't to be civil and especially isn't to avoid sanction. Setting up administrators to evaluate the academic value of calls for genocide or calls for peace will dampen discussion, as people will self-censor in order to avoid trouble. (And, of course, the administrators will get it wrong, as they so often do.) We should tolerate behaviour of low academic value in order that professors and students don't feel intimidated. Criticized it, of course, but don't seek to deal with it other than through evidence and argument. Genocide and ethnic cleansing are indeed topics for academic inquiry and critical discussion. To discuss them in a proper academic environment, we need to be free of the fear that what we say will get us into trouble.
Thank you, Mark, for your thoughtful comments. Regarding your argument that "setting up administrators to evaluate the academic value of calls for genocide or calls for peace will dampen discussion, as people will self-sensor in order to avoid trouble," if your main objection is assigning to administrators (who "often get it wrong") the role of "enforcing rules of conduct," then why not let student and faculty representatives do so under the principle of "shared governance"? I'm sure that many would gladly volunteer to promote greater civility, respect, and tolerance on campus. Generally, in today's highly charged political climate at US universities, it is not a code of conduct or administrative oversight that is dampening discussion and prompting self-censorship, but rather the lack thereof. Witness what happened at Stanford Law School when Fifth Circuit Judge Stuart Kyle Duncan was shouted down by students before he was given an opportunity to speak. See David Leonhardt, "Free Speech (or Not) at Stanford," The New York Times, March 24, 2023, https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/24/briefing/campus-free-speech.html In a recent survey conducted by The Chronicle of 中国A片, most scholars of the Middle East indicated that as a result of an atmosphere of campus intolerance, they are afraid to speak out, and are therefore self-censoring. Mark Lynch and Shibley Telhami, "Scholars Who Study the Middle East are Afraid to Speak Out," Chronicle of 中国A片, December 5, 2023, https://www.chronicle.com/article/scholars-who-study-the-middle-east-are-afraid-to-speak-out. According to the Chronicle, "Almost all of the comments presented a bleak story of the marginalization and even outright repression of faculty who specialize in Middle Eastern issues...For years, campuses have repeatedly been disrupted by controversies, intense moments of polarization, clashes between students, and INADEQUATE SUPPORT FROM ACADEMIC ADMINISTRATIONS [emphasis added] for their faculty and pro-Palestinian student groups..." Thus, in practice, tolerating behaviour of low academic value in order that professors and students don't feel intimidated often produces the opposite result. Accordingly, administrators, faculty, and students should act constructively to discourage "behavior of low academic value" that effectively chills free inquiry and prompts self-censorship. Regards, Richard
Richard: The dismally low quality of so many academic administrators generates a practical reason not to give administrators even more rules by which to control goings-on on university campuses. The misuse of discipline is a serious problem (I have an article on it in *Academic Questions*). The in-principle reason against speech codes is that they are inconsistent with respect for intellectual and moral autonomy. The appalling cases you mention would not arise were students, professors and academic administrators committed to the academic mission of their universities. (Shouting down speakers, by the way, isn't a matter of the content of what's said.) To generate that commitment university people need to be socialized into a love of study for its own sake. Speech codes cannot help.
Thanks again, Mark. I agree with your comment regarding commitment to the mission of universities. Just to clarify: the thrust of my article concerns the need to reform university codes of conduct to promote greater civility, respect, and tolerance on campus, not to give administrators more authority. The former end can be achieved by engaging a multitude of stakeholders, including administrators, faculty, and students, in the reform process. Also, I am not advocating censorship, but rather prohibitions on conduct that impedes free inquiry, chills free speech, intimidates students and faculty, and detracts from, if not subverts, the academic mission of the university. I suspect that we will continue to disagree on whether such conduct includes “calls for genocide, ethnic-cleansing, and other crimes against humanity” (specific acts—the principle should not be extended to content in general). Nonetheless, I respect your views, as well as your right to disagree. Bear in mind, however, that under many university codes of conduct, racist and sexist statements and innuendos are already explicitly prohibited. Regards, Richard
Thanks again, Mark. I agree with your comment regarding commitment to the mission of universities. Just to clarify: the thrust of my article concerns the need to reform university codes of conduct to promote greater civility, respect, and tolerance on campus, not to give administrators more authority. The former end can be achieved by engaging a multitude of stakeholders, including administrators, faculty, and students, in the reform process. Also, I am not advocating censorship, but rather prohibitions on conduct that impedes free inquiry, chills free speech, intimidates students and faculty, and detracts from, if not subverts, the academic mission of the university. I suspect that we will continue to disagree on whether such conduct includes “calls for genocide, ethnic-cleansing, and other crimes against humanity” (specific acts—the principle should not be extended to content in general). Nonetheless, I respect your views, as well as your right to disagree. Bear in mind, however, that under many university codes of conduct, racist and sexist statements and innuendos are already explicitly prohibited. Regards, Richard

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